RichardsonWatch: Mike Stratton--The Fixer

One way to network

On  June. 9th, the Albuquerque Journal reported:

"A high-speed data network considered central to the state's national laboratories, universities and emerging film industry remains unusable because of a dispute between Qwest and another Colorado company.

UNM officials contend Qwest is "foot-dragging" because it fears the National LambdaRail network would offer a foothold to competitors.

"The best I can see is that they (Qwest officials) perceive this as potential competition and a threat," said Moira Gerety, director of UNM's computer information services.

Not according to Qwest.

A Qwest spokesman Thursday blamed the hold-up on Level 3 Communications Inc., which owns the fiber-optic cable used by LambdaRail.

The type of connection Level 3 wants to use isn't allowed for "safety and security reasons," said Vince Hancock, a Qwest spokesman. Qwest does not fear competition from LambdaRail, he added.

But by the 24th of June, Journal staff writer Olivier Uyttebrouck, reported:

"A couple of hours of cutting and splicing this week ended months of delays, connecting New Mexico to a high-speed nationwide data network.

    Technicians on Friday tested the National LambdaRail connection, preparing for clients expected to include Intel, the national labs and Sandoval County's wireless project."

What was done to address the  "safety and security reasons" cited by Hancock for the 9 month delay in connecting New Mexico? Don't know, but this was the headline of a story featured on  MSNBC.com the following day: Does Qwest want to buy Level 3? - Denver - MSNBC.com

The article raises is puzzling. Other than it's title, the article provides no clear reason for the sudden end to the impasse. But, if you check out this post by Esme Von at OntheCommons.org and this NMSU tech newsletter, you'll get a better idea of exactly why Qwest may fear the LambdaRail's giving their competitors a foothold in the state.

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Mike Stratton: What the AbqJournal didn't mention

Earlier this month, the Albuquerque Journal reported Gov. Richardson and Jerry Peters--a major Richardson donor (with an application pending before the state for an off reservation casino), had been spotted dining at the Palm Steakhouse in downtown Denver. According to the article by Abq journal Investigative Reporter Thomas J. Cole, the dinner was arranged by Democratic Operative and DNC member Michael Stratton.
Stratton made the papers last year for amongst other things, his travel with the Governor to New Hampshire and his work on the DNC's primary planning committee where he advocated a Western Regional Primary.
In a a follow-up piece in yesterday's AbqJournal Cole picked up where he left off, writing: (highlights of the article)

Denver political consultant Mike Stratton wears two hats when in Santa Fe: adviser to Gov. Bill Richardson and lobbyist for a growing list of clients...

"Stratton has a $7,500-a-month contract with the Democratic Governors Association," which Richardson chairs, said Richardson spokesman Pahl Shipley.

Stratton first registered as a lobbyist in New Mexico last year for Ardent Health Services, owner of Lovelace Sandia Health System, which in turn owns the Lovelace Community Health Plan.

Stratton's list of clients grew this year with the addition of Amerigroup, a Virginia health-care company, and Ajinomoto Food Ingredients, part of a Japanese conglomerate that manufacturers aspartame.

Amerigroup is seeking a state contract to provide managed care to Medicaid recipients with long-term illnesses.

Ajinomoto is lobbying against state regulation of aspartame either through law or by the Richardson administration through new rules. You can see Stratton's client list here.

Speaking of himself, Stratton said "he has a reputation as a "stand-up, appropriate" person in his work as a political consultant and lobbyist.
"I've never been anything but a good guy in politics...," Stratton said. "I have never, ever been accused of anything inappropriate, unethical, et cetera, et cetera."
Shipley said that, while officials in the administration may know of the close ties between Richardson and Stratton, policy decisions are based on merit, not connections.
"If it's not the right thing to do, they're not going to do it because it's Mike Stratton," he said.


Here's what the Journal didn't mention about Stratton:
1) In 1994, Stratton was paid more than $90k by Tobacco Giant RJR to develop a grass roots campaign of Smokers' Rights Groups, presumably to push back on increased regulation of smoking and lawsuits. (Click here.)

Tobacco DocumentAccording to an a report by the American Lung Association of Colorado,

"RJR employed state and local recruiters to organize smokers in cities and towns across Colorado, and paid field organizers to keep them motivated. The company used public relations experts to maximize the groups effectiveness. RJR's goal was to establish 25 local smokers' rights groups in Colorado alone. By 1991, RJR's field coordinator William Fox had established smokerÕs rights groups in Denver, Englewood, Pueblo, Greeley, Fort Collins, Aurora, Arvada, Colorado Springs, Longmont, Loveland, Boulder, Lakewood, Grand Junction, Gilpin County and Lamar, and planned groups in Littleton, Northglenn, Thornton, Westminster and Broomfield.(24)

RJR piloted its Partisan Project in California, Oregon and Colorado, since the industry was facing excise tax increases and smoking ban initiatives in these states. The company planned to deploy smokersÕ rights groups "in all metro areas over 25,000 population and other targeted areas" in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. (108) RJR also employed Mike Stratton of the Denver firm Stratton, Reiter, Dupree and Durante to organize smokers' rights groups in Colorado.(110)


2) In 1995, Stratton was the focus of a two part report by the Center for Public Integrity, respectively titled "Rocky Mountain High Flier" and "Tripping with the Secretary." The report focuses the various hats Stratton was wearing while employed by the Department of Commerce Secretary and DNC Chairman, Ron Brown. "The issue raised by all of this comes from the fact that Stratton never left his political consulting business when he took the government job at Commerce and was required to sign the federal declaration to abide by all federal rules."
Significantly, at the same time Stratton was performing full-time duties for the Commerce Department, he was also performing full time duties for the re-election campaign of Colorado Governor Roy Romer." However, in addition to working for the Commerce Dept. and the Romer Campaign, Stratton was also lobbying in "Colorado on behalf of clients such as Lockheed Automated Systems, Merck, Pacific Corp., Taco Bell and Equifax.
3) No Bid Contracts: The Center for Public Integrity Report states that Stratton's activities became the focus of Congressional Investigators after US West, for which his wife Sara, worked, received seats on the Commerce Secretary's plane for a trade mission to India and Russia, a trip Mike Stratton advanced. US WEST received a $1 million no-bid contract as a result of the travel, according to the report. (Read the report here)
4) Sara Stratton is currently Head of Strategy Research for Qwest Investment Management Co., which is responsible for the investment of some $2 billion in Qwest International employee pensions.
Qwest is presently awaiting the outcome of a New Mexico Court ruling on whether the telecom must follow through on a commitment to invest almost $800 million in the state by this March. Qwest is $200 million short of that mark.